Aegean dispute

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Satellite image of the Aegean Sea
Map of the Aegean Sea
6 nautical miles (nmi): Current territorial waters recognized by Greece and Turkey, and airspace as recognized by Turkey
10 nmi: Current national airspace claimed by Greece
12 nmi: Upper limit of territorial waters and national airspace defined as a legal right by UNCLOS, possible future claims by Greece and Turkey

The Aegean dispute is a set of interrelated controversies between Greece and Turkey over sovereignty and related rights in the region of the Aegean Sea. This set of conflicts has strongly affected Greek-Turkish relations since the 1970s, and has twice led to crises coming close to the outbreak of military hostilities, in 1987 and in early 1996. The issues in the Aegean fall into several categories:

One aspect of the dispute is the differing interpretations of the maritime law: Turkey has not signed up to the Convention on the Continental Shelf nor the superseding United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, both of which Greece has signed up to; as such, Turkey doesn't recognize a legal continental shelf and EEZ around the Greek islands.

Between 1998 and the early 2010s, the two countries came closer to overcoming the tensions through a series of diplomatic measures, particularly with a view to easing Turkey's accession to the European Union. However, differences over suitable diplomatic paths to a substantial solution remained unresolved, and as of 2021 tensions remain.

Maritime and aerial zones of influence[edit source | edit]

Several of the Aegean issues deal with the delimitation of both countries' zones of influence in the air and on the sea around their respective territories. These issues owe their virulence to a geographical peculiarity of the Aegean sea and its territories. While the mainland coasts of Greece and Turkey bordering the Aegean Sea on both sides represent roughly equal shares of its total coastline, the overwhelming number of the many Aegean islands belong to Greece. In particular, there is a chain of Greek islands lined up along the Turkish west coast (Lesbos, Chios, Samos, and the Dodecanese islands), some of them in very close proximity to the mainland. Their existence blocks Turkey from extending any of its zones of influence beyond a few nautical miles off its coastline. As the breadth of maritime and aerial zones of influence, such as the territorial waters and national airspace, are measured from the nearest territory of the state in question, including its islands, any possible extension of such zones would necessarily benefit Greece much more than Turkey proportionally.

According to a popular perception[clarification needed] of these issues in the two countries, Turkey is concerned that Greece might be trying to extend its zones of influence to such a degree that it would turn the Aegean effectively into a "Greek lake". Conversely, Greece is concerned that Turkey might try to "occupy half of the Aegean", i.e. establish Turkish zones of influence towards the middle of the Aegean, beyond the chain of outlying Greek islands, turning these into a kind of exclave surrounded by Turkish waters, and thus cutting them off from their motherland.[1]

Territorial waters[edit source | edit]

Territorial waters give the littoral state full control over air navigation in the airspace above, and partial control over shipping, although foreign ships (both civil and military) are normally guaranteed innocent passage through them. The standard width of territorial waters that countries are customarily entitled to has steadily increased in the course of the 20th century: from initially 3 nautical miles (5.6 km) at the beginning of the century, to 6 nautical miles (11 km), and currently 12 nautical miles (22 km). The current value has been enshrined in treaty law by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 1982 (Art.3). In the Aegean, the territorial waters claimed by both sides are still at 6 miles. The possibility of an extension to 12 miles has fuelled Turkish concerns over a possible disproportionate increase in Greek-controlled space. Turkey has refused to become a member of the convention and does not consider itself bound by it. Turkey considers the convention as res inter alios acta, i.e. a treaty that can only be binding to the signing parties but not to others. Greece, which is a party to the convention, has stated that it reserves the right to apply this rule and extend its waters to 12 miles at some point in the future in the Aegean Sea (it has already done so in the Ionian Sea to the west). Greece holds that the 12-mile rule is not only treaty law but also customary law, as per the wide consensus established among the international community. Against this, Turkey argues that the special geographical properties of the Aegean Sea make a strict application of the 12-mile rule in this case illicit in the interest of equity.[2] Turkey has itself applied the customary 12-mile limit to its coasts outside the Aegean.

Tensions over the 12-mile question ran highest between the two countries in the early 1990s, when the Law of the Sea was going to come into force. On June 8, 1995, the Turkish parliament officially declared that unilateral action by Greece would constitute a casus belli, i.e. reason to go to war. This declaration has been condemned by Greece as a violation of the Charter of the United Nations, which forbids "the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state".[1]

National airspace[edit source | edit]

The national airspace is normally defined as the airspace covering a state's land territory and its adjacent territorial waters. National airspace gives the sovereign state a large degree of control over foreign air traffic. While civil aviation is normally allowed passage under international treaties, foreign military and other state aircraft (unlike military vessels in the territorial waters) do not have a right to free passage through another state's national airspace.[3] The delimitation of national airspace claimed by Greece is unique, as it does not coincide with the boundary of the territorial waters. Greece claims 10 nautical miles (19 km) of airspace, as opposed to currently 6 miles of territorial waters. Since 1974, Turkey has refused to acknowledge the validity of the outer 4-mile belt of airspace that extends beyond the Greek territorial waters. Turkey cites the statutes of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) of 1948, as containing a binding definition that both zones must coincide.[4] Against this, Greece argues that:

  • its 10-nautical-mile (19 km) claim predates the ICAO statute, having been fixed in 1931, and that it was acknowledged by all its neighbours, including Turkey, before and after 1948, hence constituting an established right;[5]
  • its 10-mile claim can also be interpreted as just a partial, selective use of the much wider rights guaranteed by the Law of the Sea, namely the right to a 12-mile zone both in the air and on the water;
  • Greek territorial waters are set at the 6-mile boundary only because of Turkey's casus belli.

The conflict over military flight activities has led to a practice of continuous tactical military provocations, with Turkish aircraft flying in the outer 4-mile zone of contentious airspace and Greek aircraft intercepting them. These encounters often lead to so-called "dog-fights", dangerous flight manoeuvres that have repeatedly ended in casualties on both sides. In one instance in 1996, it has been alleged that a Turkish plane was accidentally shot down by a Greek one.[6]

Continental shelf[edit source | edit]

Conflicting claims to the continental shelf and EEZ areas in the eastern Mediterranean. Blue: areas claimed by Greece and Cyprus in line with the UNCLOS; red: areas claimed by Turkey.

In the context of the Aegean dispute, the term continental shelf refers to a littoral state's exclusive right to economic exploitation of resources on and under the sea-bed, for instance oil drilling, in an area adjacent to its territorial waters and extending into the High Seas. The width of the continental shelf is commonly defined for purposes of international law as not exceeding 200 nautical miles. Where the territories of two states lie closer opposite each other than double that distance, the division is made by the median line. The concept of the continental shelf is closely connected to that of an exclusive economic zone, which refers to a littoral state's control over fishery and similar rights. Both concepts were developed in international law from the middle of the 20th century and were codified in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982.

The dispute between Turkey and Greece is to what degree the Greek islands off the Turkish coast should be taken into account for determining the Greek and Turkish economic zones. Turkey argues that the notion of "continental shelf", by its very definition, implies that distances should be measured from the continental mainland, claiming that the sea-bed of the Aegean geographically forms a natural prolongation of the Anatolian land mass. This would mean for Turkey to be entitled to economic zones up to the median line of the Aegean (leaving out, of course, the territorial waters around the Greek islands in its eastern half, which would remain as Greek exclaves.) Greece, on the other hand, claims that all islands must be taken into account on an equal basis. This would mean that Greece would gain the economic rights to almost the whole of the Aegean.[2]

In this matter, Greece has the UN Law of the Sea on its side, but the same Convention restricts the application of this rule[7] to islands of a notable size, as opposed to small uninhabitable islets and rocks. The precise delimitation of the economic zones is the only one of all the Aegean issues where Greece has officially acknowledged that Turkey has legitimate interests that might require some international process of arbitration or compromise between the two sides.[5] Turkey cites the resolution of certain International Court of Justice cases like Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia),[8] Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea case, Canada–France Maritime Boundary Case where court had used equitable approach and limited the continental shelves of islands.

Tensions over the continental shelf were particularly high during the mid-1970s and again the late 1980s, when it was believed that the Aegean Sea might hold rich oil reserves. Turkey at that time conducted exploratory oceanographic research missions in parts of the disputed area. These were perceived as a dangerous provocation by Greece, which led to a buildup of mutual military threats in 1976 and again in 1987.[5]

Turkey's "Blue Homeland" claims[edit source | edit]

Template:Main articles On 2 September 2019, Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan appeared in a photograph with a map that depicted nearly half of the Aegean Sea and an area up to the eastern coast of Crete as belonging to Turkey. The map was displayed during an official ceremony at the National Defense University of Turkey in Istanbul[9] and shows an area labelled as "Turkey's Blue Homeland" stretching up to the median line of the Aegean,[10] enclosing the Greek islands in that part of the sea without any indication of the Greek territorial waters around them. The Blue Homeland is an irredentist and expansionist concept and doctrine,[lower-alpha 1] created by the Chief of Staff of the Turkish Navy Commander Cihat Yaycı, and developed with Admiral Cem Gurdeniz in 2006.[19][20][21][12] The Greek side expressed its regret, with the Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias stating that Turkey's tactics are "communication campaigns that cannot change international legitimacy, merely establishing Turkey's image as a perpetrator".[22]

Lodging claims in UN[edit source | edit]

On 13 November 2019, Turkey submitted to the United Nations a series of claims to Exclusive Economic Zones in the Eastern Mediterranean that are in conflict with Greek claims to the same areas – including a sea zone extending west of the southeastern Aegean island of Rhodes and south of Crete. The Turkish claims were made in an official letter by Turkey's Permanent Representative to the UN Feridun Sinirlioglu, which reflect Ankara's notion of a "Blue Homeland" (Mavi Vatan). Greece condemned these claims as legally unfounded, incorrect and arbitrary, and an outright violation of Greece's sovereignty.[23]

Turkey's view[edit source | edit]

Turkey holds the view, unlike most other states,[24][25][26][27][28][29] that no islands can have a full Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ)[30][31] and should only be entitled to a 12 nautical mile reduced EEZ or no EEZ at all rather than the usual 200 miles that Turkey and every other country are entitled to. In this context, Turkey, for the first time on December 1, 2019, claimed that the Greek island of Kastellorizo shouldn't have any EEZ at all, because, from the equity-based[32][33] Turkish viewpoint, it is a small island immediately across the Turkish mainland (which, according to Turkey, has the longest coastline), and isn't supposed to generate a maritime jurisdiction area four thousand times larger than its own surface. Furthermore, according to Turkey's Foreign Ministry, an EEZ has to be coextensive with the continental shelf, based on the relative lengths of adjacent coastlines[29] and described any opposing views supporting the right of islands to their EEZ as "maximalist and uncompromising Greek and Greek Cypriot claims".[33][32][34] On 20 January 2020, the Turkish President Erdogan challenged even the rights of Crete, Greece's largest island and 5th largest in the Mediterranean, stating that "They talk about a continental shelf around Crete. There is no continental shelf around the islands, there is no such thing, there, it is only sovereign waters."[35]

Turkey's view, however, is a 'unique' interpretation not shared by any other country and not in accordance to the United Nations' Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) treaty, ratified by 167 countries but not Turkey. Turkey has refused to ratify the UNCLOS, and argues that it is not bound by its provisions that award islands maritime zones. The UNCLOS, and particularly Article 121 clearly states that the islands can have exclusive economic zones and continental shelf just like every other land territory.[36] The Ambassadors of the United States and Russia to Athens, Geoffrey Pyatt and Andrey Maslov respectively, while commenting on Turkey's view, stated that all the islands have the same rights to EEZ and continental shelf as the mainlands do.[37][38][39] The then US Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs, Aaron Wess Mitchell, criticized the Turkish view, stating that it "is a minority of one versus the rest of the world."[40]

Turkey-GNA maritime agreement[edit source | edit]

On 28 November 2019, President Erdoğan signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in Istanbul with the Prime Minister of the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord of Libya (GNA), Fayez al-Sarraj, to demarcate maritime zones in the Eastern Mediterranean on an area between Turkey and Libya, appearing to "write [the Greek island of] Crete off the map entirely" in the words of Foreign Policy's Keith Johnson.[41]

This agreement was controversial[42][43][44] and drew condemnation by Greece and the international community, including the rival Tobruk-based government led by the Libyan House of Representatives and Khalifa Haftar, the European Union, United States, Russia, Egypt, Cyprus, Malta, France, Germany, Italy, Sweden, Serbia, Israel, Syria, Bahrein, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and the Arab League, as a violation of the International Law of the Sea and the article 8 of the Skhirat Agreement which prohibits the Libyan Prime Minister from solely clinching international deals without consent of all the cabinet members.[lower-alpha 2] The Libyan House of Representatives consequently started a bid to suspend the GNA from the Arab League, but did not succeed.[74] The United States stated that it was "provocative" and a threat to the stability of the region.[75][76] Acting foreign minister Israel Katz announced Israel's opposition to the maritime border accord between Ankara and Tripoli, and confirmed that the deal was "illegal" according to the Israeli official position, while at the same time noting that Israel does not want a conflict with Turkey.[77]

On 18 October 2020, the German Federal Parliament (Bundestag)'s research service reviewed the Turkey-GNA maritime deal and found it to be illegal under international law, and detrimental to third parties.[78]

Post-agreement developments[edit source | edit]

In response to these developments, the GNA Ambassador to Greece Mohamed Younis Menfi was summoned to the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Athens, where he was given an ultimatum of seven days, to disclose until 5 December the agreement his country signed with Turkey on maritime boundaries, or will be considered "persona non-grata" and be expelled from Greece.[79] The authorities of the European Union also urged for the disclosure of the deal's details.[57] Also, the Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis met with the Turkish President on the sidelines of the 2019 London summit to discuss about it.[80] Greek Foreign Minister Dendias revealed that, earlier this year, in September, his GNA counterpart, foreign minister Mohamed Taher Siala had reassured the Greek side that Libya would never sign any illegal agreements with Turkey that would violate the Greek sovereign rights.[81][82] On 6 December, the GNA Ambassador to Athens was expelled from Greece,[83] prompting strong reactions in both the GNA and Turkey.[84][44] Furthermore, the President of the Tobruk-based Libyan Parliament, Agila Saleh Issa Gwaider, who condemned and opposed the GNA-Turkey deal, was invited to Athens by the President of the Greek Parliament Konstantinos Tasoulas for talks.[85]

Ankara asked for the agreement on maritime boundaries from the Government of National Accord (GNA) in the Libyan Civil War, in exchange for Turkey's long-time support against the rival Tobruk-based House of Representatives.[86]

It is believed[by whom?] that Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is exploiting the weakness of the GNA headed by Fayez al-Sarraj to force it to sign "illegal" agreements which are a serious breach of international laws that disregards the lawful rights of other eastern Mediterranean countries; and that through these exploitations, Turkey is trying to assert its regional power and its control of the Mediterranean sea, at the expense of the rights of the other Mediterranean nations and undermining the peace-making efforts to resolve the Libyan Civil War and the curb of migrant influx to Europe.[87][88][89][90][91][92][93][94]

On 4 December 2019, the Turkish Minister of Energy and Natural Resources, Fatih Dönmez, announced Turkey's intentions to start awarding licences to drills for natural gas in Greek waters which Ankara claimed through the Turkey-GNA deal, once it is approved by the two countries' parliaments.[95] The same day, Turkish President Erdogan stated that he is "ready" to start negotiations with Athens for the delimitation of maritime borders between Turkey and Greece, under the condition that the negotiations are based on Turkey's peculiar perception which is stripping the Greek islands of their sovereign rights, and is violating the UNCLOS treaty.[96] The intentions for drills in Greek waters, was confirmed by President Erdogan on a public broadcast of the Mavi Vatan map and the Turkey-GNA deal.[97] On 5 December 2019, the Turkish Parliament ratified the contentious GNA-Turkey maritime borders deal, where it had a strong backing by four of Turkey's five major political parties - with the exception of the pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party (HDP).[98][99] The Libyan Parliament however blocked the ratification and rejected the deal unanimously, with the President of the Parliament, Aguila Saleh Issa, sending a letter to the United Nations declaring it as null and void.[100][101][102][103] Even though the ratification by the Libyan Parliament failed, GNA deposited the maritime agreement to the United Nations on December 27,[104] with Turkey following on March 2 of the next year.[105] On 14 July 2020, it is revealed that five countries sent a joint note verbale to the UN Secretariat calling for the agreement to not be registered and accepted, noting that, per UN procedures, its ratification by the Libyan Parliament is a prerequisite.[72] On October 1, the UN Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres, registered the Turkey-GNA deal on the delimitation of maritime jurisdiction areas in the Mediterranean. The agreement "has been registered with the Secretariat, in accordance with Article 102 of the Charter of the United Nations," said the certificate of registration.[106][107]

Experts[who?] fear a destabilization of the East Mediterranean and NATO due to Turkey's aggressive moves and that an armed conflict between Turkey and Greece draws closer.[108][109][110][111][112][113][114][115][116] On 9 December, the vessels of the Libyan Navy which are under the control of the Libyan National Army, announced that they received mandate to sink any Turkish research vessels or drillships that may attempt to conduct researches south of Crete, as part of the Turkey-GNA deal.[117] In reaction, France signaled its intention to send French frigates and ships to the south of Crete, in coordination with Athens, and Italy sent the Italian frigate "Martinengo" to monitor, patrol and safeguard the sea around Cyprus, which has been the subject of claims by Turkey.[118][119]

In July 2020, France and Austria have called for sanctions against Turkey, such as the termination of the Turkey's EU accession talks. In the same context the EU's Foreign Affairs Council convened and agreed for a framework of sanctions to be prepared for use in the event Turkey attempts any violations of Greece's sovereign rights. The Greek FM Dendias expressed his country's readiness to activate the Mutual Defence Clause (Article 42) of the EU's Lisbon Treaty for military assistance.[120][121]

On 30 May 2020, the Turkish Petroleum Corporation (TPAO) applied to the Turkish Ministry of Energy for exploration permits on the Greek continental shelf, just 6 miles off Crete, Karpathos and Rhodes.[122][123] TPAO's applications were published to the Turkey's Government Gazette, with a map showing the 24 blocks that Ankara has demarcated from Turkey's shores to the point where its claimed sea borders meet these of Libya, based on the Turkey-GNA maritime agreement. This prompted strong reactions both in Greece and abroad, with the Turkish Ambassador to Athens, Burak Özügergin, being summoned to the Greek Foreign Ministry, and the European Union's High Representative of Foreign Affairs, Josep Borrell warning Ankara that the good EU-Turkey relations "will depend critically on the respect of the sovereignty of Cyprus and Greece on the waters under dispute".[124][125][126] Furthermore, the United States criticized Turkey, with the US Assistant Secretary of State for Energy Resources Francis R. Fannon stating, during a quadrilateral conference organized by both the American-Hellenic Chamber of Commerce and the Atlantic Council with the participation of USA, Greece, Israel and Cyprus, that such "provocative actions" must end and that the Turkey-GNA agreement "cannot as a legal matter affect the rights or obligations of third states" such as Greece.[127][128][129]

Greece - Italy EEZ agreement

On 9 June, and in response to Turkey's moves in the region, Greece and Italy signed through their Foreign Ministers Nikos Dendias and Luigi Di Maio a "historic" agreement for the demarcation of the EEZ between the two countries. The agreement confirms the full rights of islands to their continental shelf and EEZ, in line with the UNCLOS. It uses the median line that was used for the 1977 Italy-Greece continental shelf demarcation agreement as the basis of the EEZ boundary.[130][131] In the mutually agreed minor adjustments, part of the EEZ of the small Greek islands of Strofades, Othoni, and Mathraki was traded off for an equal area elsewhere (i.e. part of the EEZ of Italy's Calabria).[132][133][134] According to Dendias, this creates an extremely favorable legal precedent for Greece in its dispute with Turkey.[134] The United States, the Libyan House of Representatives, and the LNA led by Halifa Haftar, welcomed the EEZ agreement between Greece and Italy, with the US calling it "exemplary" and "an example of how these things should be done [in the region]", while reiterating their opposition to the Turkey-GNA EEZ agreement.[135] Following the agreement, the Libyan House of Representatives sent an official invitation to the Hellenic Parliament for a similar EEZ agreement to be reached between Libya and Greece too,[136] with talks beginning on July 1.[137] Dendias stated that Libyan-Greek talks are "not within the arbitrariness that so-called Sarraj-Turkey memorandum is constituting", but within the framework of UNCLOS and in continuation of the 2010 talks between the two countries.[137] In this context, a committee of experts is formed by the President of the Libyan Parliament, Aguila Saleh.[138] The LNA published a map with the proposed EEZ boundaries between Libya and Greece, in which Libya fully acknowledges the Greek islands' rights to their continental shelf and EEZ.[139] Furthermore, on June 18, a high-level delegation from Greece visited Egypt to negotiate and sign an agreement demarcating the Egyptian-Greek EEZ as well.[140]

In July 2020, France and Austria have called for sanctions against Turkey, such as the termination of the Turkey's EU accession talks. In the same context the EU's Foreign Affairs Council convened and agreed for a framework of sanctions to be prepared for use in the event Turkey attempts any violations of Greece's sovereign rights. The Greek FM Dendias expressed his country's readiness to activate the Mutual Defence Clause (Article 42) of the EU's Lisbon Treaty for military assistance.[141]

On 21 July, Turkey announced plans for a seismic survey south and east of the Greek island of Kastellorizo with the research vessel "Oruç Reis", and for this purpose it issued a Navtex covering parts of the Greek, Egyptian and Cypriot waters,[142] prompting strong reactions both in Greece[143] and abroad. The Greek embassy in Ankara sent a complaint to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, Egypt considers the move as an encroachment of its waters,[144] and Germany's Foreign Minister Heiko Maas warned Turkey with consequences.[145][146][147][148] Turkey dispatched its naval forces to the region around Kastellorizo, and Turkish armed jets conducted low overflights and dogfights with their Greek counterparts above the island, causing the tourists to evacuate it,[149] and the Greek Armed Forces to be placed on high alert.[150] The Turkish Ambassador to Berlin, Ali Kemal Aydın, was summoned to the German Foreign Ministry[151] and the German Chancellor Angela Merkel held phone calls with the Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and the Turkish President Tayip Erdogan in a bid to de-escalate the situation.[152][153] According to the German tabloid newspaper Bild, it was Merkel's last-minute intervention that prevented a crisis between Greece and Turkey.[154] This was later confirmed by the German Defence Minister, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer.[155] Along with Germany, France, Spain and the United States also backed Greece, with the French President Emmanuel Macron calling for sanctions against Turkey for the violation of Greece's sovereignty, the US envoy to Athens acknowledging Kastellorizo's "exactly the same" rights to EEZ and Continental Shelf as mainlands, and the State Department urging Turkey to halt its plans for surveys in the area around the island.[156][157][158][159][160] As result, Turkey announced the suspension of its oil and gas exploration around Kastellorizo.[161]

Greece - Egypt EEZ agreement

Several days later, on 6 August, the foreign ministers of Egypt and Greece, Sameh Shoukry and Nikos Dendias respectively, signed a maritime agreement partially demarcating the EEZs between the two countries, in line with the UNCLOS which recognizes the right of the islands to their continental shelf and EEZ.[162][163][164] According to the Greek side, the Egyptian-Greek agreement cancels in practice the Turkish-GNA memorandum.[165] Turkey opposed the agreement and considers it "null and void", claiming that "there is no mutual sea border between Egypt and Greece". Similarly, the Tripoli-based GNA government led by Al-Sarraj condemned it as a "violation of Libya's maritime rights".[166] On the other hand, the Tobruk-based LNA government led by Haftar,[167] Saudi Arabia and the United States, supported and welcomed it, with LNA stating that Greece "should solidify a EEZ with the only democratically elected legislative body in Libya, the House of Representatives" and the State Department stating that it encourages the peaceful settlement of disputes.[168][169][170][171] Also, Manfred Weber, head of the European People's Party, the largest party in the European Parliament, welcomed the Egypt-Greece agreement as a positive development that "strengthens stability in the East Mediterranean," and urged for the European Union to "stand firmly with Greece" against what he called as Turkish attempts that "undermine international law in the region".[172] In response to this, Turkey announced the next day that it resumed its seismic surveys south of Kastellorizo.[173][174] Τhe US, the EU, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, North Macedonia, Egypt, Cyprus, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Spain, Portugal, Malta, Sweden and Armenia expressed their opposition to Turkey's renewed explorations in the East Mediterranean,[175][176][177][178][179][180][181][182][183][184][185][69][186] while Azerbaijan counteracted to Armenia's position by lending its support for Turkey's moves.[187][188] On 14 August 2020, Greece's and Turkey's ships collided and suffered minor damages[189] and France intervened by sending its naval forces to the East Mediterranean, to Greece's aid,[190][191][192] followed by the United Arab Emirates whose Fighter Jets are stationed at the Souda Bay Naval Base, in Crete.[193][194] Also, the United States are seeking to beef up their military presence in the East Med and for this purpose, assigned the USS Hershel "Woody" Williams to the Souda Bay base as its new permanent home,[195][196] and talks on moving US assets from the Incirlik Air Base in Turkey, to Souda Bay opened.[197] Joseph Borell announced that the European Union is preparing a list of sanctions against Turkey, including tough economic measures,[198] and the former Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu criticized openly his own country's "power projection" in the East Mediterranean, which, according to him, risks causing a military conflict.[199] On 18 August, the Egyptian Parliament ratified the Greece - Egypt EEZ Agreement[200] and, 9 days later, the Greek Parliament followed suit,[201] before it would be registered at the United Nations on 24 December 2020.[202] Greece announced that reaching EEZ agreements with Albania and Cyprus are among its next priorities.[203][204] On September 17, the European Parliament condemned Turkey for its violations of the Greek and Cypriot EEZs and called on the European Council to prepare further sanctions.[205]

Eventually, due to Turkey's diplomatic isolation,[195][206][207][183][208] and just a week ahead of the EU Summit where the looming sanctions against Turkey for its drilling activities are planned to be evaluated, the research vessel Oruç Reis was withdrawn from Kastellorizo and the Turkish research surveys on the Greek continental shelf were halted. Turkey agreed to resort to diplomatic means for resolving its maritime disputes with Greece.[209][210][211] Turkey's economy is dependent on foreign markets and especially the European Union, for exports, imports, short-term finance and technology, and thus, the EU's tough economic sanctions could have a "fatal" impact on the Turkish economy and the Turkish President Erdogan's political survival.[212] The prospect of EU sanctions also have contributed to the Turkish Lira's de-evaluation to record-low levels, and thus complicating the economic situation in the country.[213][214][215][216] The United States, which criticized Turkey's assertive policies in the region, welcomed Ankara's decision to adopt a more diplomatic stance over its maritime dispute with Greece, with the head of the American foreign policy, Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo stating that "the way conflict is resolved is not through shows of force, it’s not through demonstrations of power, it’s through dialogue. It’s through international systems, agreement, conversations, dialogue. That’s how these maritime disputes ought to be resolved. We’ve watched the Greeks move in that direction trying to achieve that. We hope the Turkish Government will see it the same way". Additionally, Pompeo sided with the Greek side on the dispute, by asking for a solution that is "reflective of the fundamental rights of the citizens of Greece".[217][218][208]

Further developments[edit source | edit]

On 8 October 2020, Turkey and Greece agreed, under Germany's mediation and with the United States' full consultation, to resume exploratory talks for resolving their maritime disputes. However, a few days later, on October 11, Turkey withdrew from the talks and resumed its gunboat diplomacy by releasing a NAVTEX announcing that it will be conducting surveys on the waters just 6.5 nautical miles off Kastellorizo[219][220] and redeployed its research vessel Oruç Reis, escorted by Turkish frigates, for this purpose.[221] These Turkish moves drew the International community's condemnation, with Berlin decrying them as a "serious blow" to efforts at easing tensions in the East Mediterranean and accusing Ankara for "interplay between detente and provocation",[69][222][223] the German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas cancelling his planned visit to Ankara,[224] and along with France, warning Turkey with consequences,[225] Greece's Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias declaring that "the Turkish leadership has shown it is not a credible interlocutor. Its calls for dialogue are only a pretext. The international community must judge [Ankara] on the basis of actions, not words. We must all face reality before it is too late",[226] the United States "deploring" Ankara for its moves, which the State Department described as "calculated provocations",[227][228] Austria's Chancellor Sebastian Kurz condemning Oruc Reis' redeployment and warning Turkey of sanctions,[229][230] Egypt's Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry rejecting Turkey's gunboat diplomacy and policy of territorial expansion in the region,[231] Sweden's Foreign Minister Ann Linde warning that the Oruç Reis' redeployment is leading to new tensions instead of contributing to de-escalation,[69] Israel expressing its concerns over Turkey's destabilizing role in the East Med,[232] and Russia backing Greece's right to expand its territorial waters to 12 nautical miles and reaffirming that the UNCLOS is a "cornerstone" of the international law and applies to the Mediterranean Sea.[233] Manfred Weber of the EPP reiterated his call for EU sanctions against Turkey, stating that these initial de-escalation moves by Erdogan were purposeful only, with the aim of avoiding sanctions against his country at the recent European Council.[234] Turkey however rebuffed international criticism of its research vessel's redeployment, insisting that the Oruç Reis is operating in what it claims as "Turkish waters".[69]

On 17 October, Turkey passed a law that expanded its search and rescue (SAR) area to cover all the territories it claims as part of its Blue Homeland.[235][236][237] The Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarded this to be illegal under international law, as countries cannot deliberately expand their SAR areas without previous agreements with their neighboring states. Greece protested strongly to this unilateral extension of Turkish SAR, which overlaps with the sovereign rights of the Greek islands and their surrounding waters, announcing that it will file complaints with the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the International Maritime Organization (IMO).[238][239] Turkey described the Greek protests as "groundless", insisting that the expansion was done "to ensure the safety of the activities" within the Greek continental shelf which Ankara claims as "Turkish".[240] ICAO's Secretary General Fang Liu, however, rejected Turkey's unilateral expansion of SAR and reaffirmed the Greek position in the dispute, in that no changes can be made to the boundaries and responsibilities of the Athens' SAR without Greece's prior consent.[241][242]

On 20 October, Greece and Albania agreed to resume negotiations for the demarcation of their maritime boundaries and that, in the event of no resolution, the two parties shall jointly submit the case to the International Court of Justice in Hague.[243][244][245] The two countries had already reached an agreement on the demarcation of their maritime boundaries in 2009. Although ratified by the Greek side, the Albanian side took it to the Supreme Court where it was deemed unconstitutional. According to Cihat Yaycı, a Turkish general and author of the Turkey's "Blue Homeland" theory, it was due to Ankara's pressure on Tirana that the agreement's ratification failed. For Turkey, an agreement between Albania and Greece based on the UNCLOS, would have had set a negative legal precedent against Turkey's positions in its maritime disputes with Greece.[246][247][248][249]

On 21 October, during a trilateral regional summit, the Presidents of Cyprus, Egypt and the Prime Minister of Greece, Nicos Anastasiades, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and Kyriakos Mitsotakis respectively, in a joint declaration, condemned Turkey's energy explorations in the East Mediterranean, and urged Ankara to put an end to its aggressive policies.[185] In the summit, the Egyptian President el-Sisi warned his Cypriot and Greek counterparts about security threats posed to the region of East Mediterranean due to the Turkey-sponsored Islamist terrorism. Abraham Kasparian, a Syrian-born Armenian investigative journalist also warned of the deployment of jihadists by Turkey in the Greece-Turkey border at Thrace. In their separate investigations, the European Union Agency for Law Enforcement Cooperation (Europol), the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights and the Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS) also have confirmed links between Turkey and jihadists. Some days later, the Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias raised the issue in his meeting with his Russian counterpart, Sergey Lavrov, during the latter's official visit to Athens.[250][251][252][253][254][255][256][257] Earlier this month, Russia and France also accused Turkey for links with jihadists.[258][259] The Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis also raised the issue at the 66th Annual Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly.[260]

On 18 November, Greece and the United Arab Emirates formed a military alliance by signing a historic mutual defense pact, which calls for each to help the other in case of an attack. The pact is the first of its kind in Greece's modern history, and it aims at countering Turkey's aggression in the region.[261][262][263][264]

Turkey was criticized at a NATO meeting on 3 December by the US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, for what he regarded as undermining NATO's security and cohesion and destabilizing the eastern Mediterranean by stoking tensions with fellow ally Greece, whilst according to Reuters, Turkish sources with knowledge of the meeting saw Pompeo's approach as "unjust" as Turkey was "open to talks with Greece".[265][266] On 5 December, Turkey's Ministry of Foreign Affairs tweeted that "No sanctions will ever make Turkey compromise its sovereign rights, be it in Meis/Kastellorizo or 10 nm airspace."[267][268][269] On 9 December, the US House of Representatives adopted the National Defence Authorization Act, NDAA, which includes sanctions against Turkey because of several international disagreements between Washington and Ankara, including the purchase of the Russian defence system S-400 and the Turkish drilling activities in the Eastern Mediterranean region.[270] Three days after the US Congress approved the defense legislation, the Donald Trump administration imposed the sanctions which are part of the CAATSA.[271] According to Senator Robert Menendez, a member of the United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations and rapporteur of the NDAA amendment for US sanctions, Turkey's behavior in the East Med was one of the reasons contributing to the decision.[272][273] The European Union's 27 leaders, also decided in the December 10 summit to impose sanctions on Turkey for its activities against Greece and Cyprus in the East Med. The EU sanctions include travel bans into the EU territories and asset freezes on Turkish companies and individuals.[274][275]

EastMed pipeline[edit source | edit]

On 2 January 2020, the leaders of Greece, Cyprus, and Israel signed an accord to build the EastMed pipeline. The planned pipeline will transport natural gas from the Levantine Basin to Greece and from there to Italy and the rest of Europe.[276][277][278] Energy expert Brenda Schaffer interprets the EastMed pipeline (forecasted to be able to cater to 10% of Europe's gas needs, and decrease reliance on Russia) as a joint attempt to exclude Turkey from the "Club Med" gas club,[41] and the decision to sign the pipeline accord was taken in response to the Turkish-GNA deal.[279]

Flight information regions[edit source | edit]

Unlike the issues described so far, the question of flight information regions (FIR) does not affect the two states' sovereignty rights in the narrow sense. A FIR is a zone of responsibility assigned to a state within the framework of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO). It relates to the responsibility for regulating civil aviation. A FIR may stretch beyond the national airspace of a country, i.e. over areas of high seas, or in some cases even over the airspace of another country. It does not give the responsible state the right to prohibit flights by foreign aircraft; however, foreign aircraft are obliged to submit flight plans to the authorities administrating the FIR. Two separate disputes have arisen over flight control in the Aegean: the issue of a unilaterally proposed revision of the FIR demarcation, and the question of what rights and obligations arise from the FIR with respect to military as opposed to civil flights.[citation needed]

Demarcation[edit source | edit]

By virtue of an agreement signed in 1952, the whole airspace over the Aegean, up to the boundary of the national airspace of Turkey, has been assigned to Athens FIR, administered by Greece. Shortly after the Cyprus crisis of 1974, Turkey unilaterally attempted to change this arrangement, issuing a notice to airmen (NOTAM) stating that it would take over the administration of the eastern half of the Aegean airspace, including the national airspace of the Greek islands in that area. Greece responded with a declaration rejecting this move, and declaring the disputed zone unsafe for aviation due to the conflicting claims to authority. This led to some disruption in civil aviation in the area. Turkey later changed its stance, and since 1980 has returned to recognizing Athens FIR in its original demarcation.[5] In practice, the FIR demarcation is currently no longer a disputed issue.

Turkish military overflights[edit source | edit]

As of 2009, the current controversy over the FIR relates to the question whether the Greek authorities have a right to oversee not only civil but also military flight activities in the international parts of the Aegean airspace. According to common international practice, military aircraft normally submit flight plans to FIR authorities when moving in international airspace, just like civil aircraft do. Turkey refuses to do so, citing the ICAO charter of 1948, which explicitly restricts the scope of its regulations to civil aircraft, arguing that therefore the practice of including military aircraft in the same system is optional. Greece, in contrast, argues that it is obligatory on the basis of later regulations of the ICAO, which it claims have given states the authority to issue more wide-reaching restrictions in the interest of civil aviation safety.

This disagreement has led to similar practical consequences as the issue of 6 versus 10 miles of national airspace, as Greece considers all Turkish military flights not registered with its FIR authorities as transgressions of international air traffic regulations, and routinely has its own air force jets intercepting the Turkish ones. In popular perception in Greece, the issue of Turkish flights in the international part of Athens FIR is often confused with that of the Turkish intrusions in the disputed outer 4-mile belt of Greek airspace. However, in careful official usage, Greek authorities and media distinguish between "violations" (παραβιάσεις) of the national airspace, and "transgressions" (παραβάσεις) of traffic regulations, i.e. of the FIR.

One of the routine interception maneuvers led to a fatal accident on 23 May 2006. Two Turkish F-16s and one reconnaissance F-4 were flying in the international airspace over the southern Aegean at 27,000 feet (8,200 m) without having submitted flight plans to the Greek FIR authorities. They were intercepted by two Greek F-16s off the coast of the Greek island Karpathos. During the ensuing mock dog fight, a Turkish F-16 and a Greek F-16 collided midair and subsequently crashed. The pilot of the Turkish plane survived the crash, but the Greek pilot died. The incident also highlighted another aspect of the FIR issue, a dispute over conflicting claims to responsibility for maritime search and rescue operations. The Turkish pilot reportedly refused to be rescued by the Greek forces that had been dispatched to the area. After the incident, both governments expressed an interest to revive an earlier plan of establishing a direct hotline between the air force commands of both countries in order to prevent escalation of similar situations in the future.

Islands[edit source | edit]

Islands by date of accession to Greece
Islands by demilitarization status

There have been a number of disputes related to the territories of the Greek islands themselves. These have related to the demilitarized status of some of the main islands in the area; to Turkish concerns over alleged endeavours by Greece to artificially expand settlements to previously uninhabited islets; and to the existence of alleged "grey zones", an undetermined number of small islands of undetermined sovereignty.

Demilitarized status[edit source | edit]

The question of the demilitarized status of some major Greek islands is complicated by a number of facts. Several of the Greek islands in the eastern Aegean as well as the Turkish straits region were placed under various regimes of demilitarization in different international treaties. The regimes developed over time, resulting in difficulties of treaty-interpretation. However, the military status of the islands in question did not constitute a serious problem in the bilateral relations until the Cyprus crisis of 1974, after which both Greece and Turkey re-interpreted the stipulations of the treaties. Greece, claiming an inalienable right to defend itself against Turkish aggression, reinforced its military and National Guard forces in the region. Furthermore, Greece maintains the position that it has the right to militarize its islands in the same context as the rest of Europe, where the appliance of demilitarization statute on islands and territories ceased with the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Pact; i.e. the cessation of demilitarization of Italy's Panteleria, Lampedusa, Lampione and Linosa islands, and West Germany from the NATO side, and the cessation of demilitarization of Bulgaria, Romania, East Germany, and Hungary from the Warsaw Pact's side, and the cessation of demilitarization of Finland.[280] Turkey, on the other hand, denounces this as an aggressive act by Greece and as a breach of international treaties.[4] From a legal perspective, three groups of islands may be distinguished: (a) the islands right off the Turkish Dardanelles straits, i.e. Lemnos and Samothrace; (b) the Dodecanese islands in the southeast Aegean; and (c) the remaining northeast Aegean islands (Lesbos, Chios, Samos, and Ikaria).

Lemnos and Samothrace[edit source | edit]

These islands were placed under a demilitarization statute by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, to counterbalance the simultaneous demilitarization of the Turkish straits area (the Dardanelles and Bosphorus), Imbros and Tenedos. The demilitarization on the Turkish side was later abolished through the Montreux Convention Regarding the Regime of the Turkish Straits in 1936. Greece holds that, by superseding the relevant sections of the earlier treaty, the convention simultaneously lifted also the Greek obligations with respect to these islands. Against this, Turkey argues that the Montreux treaty did not mention the islands and has not changed their status.[4] Greece, on the other hand, cites Turkish official declarations, by the then Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Rustu Aras, to that effect made in 1936,[281] assuring the Greek side that Turkey would consider the Greek obligations lifted.[5]

Dodecanese[edit source | edit]

These islands were placed under a demilitarization statute after the Second World War by the Treaty of peace with Italy (1947), when Italy ceded them to Greece. Italy had previously not been under any obligation towards Turkey in this respect. Turkey, in turn, was not a party to the 1947 treaty, having been neutral during WWII. Greece therefore holds that the obligations it incurred towards Italy and the other parties in 1947 are res inter alios acta for Turkey in the sense of Article 34 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, which states that a treaty does not create obligations or rights for a third country, and that Turkey thus cannot base any claims on them. Turkey argues that the demilitarization agreement constitutes a status treaty (an objective régime), where according to general rules of treaty law such an exclusion does not hold.

Lesbos, Chios, Samos, and Ikaria[edit source | edit]

The remaining islands (Lesbos, Chios, Samos, and Ikaria) were placed under a partial demilitarization statute by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. It prohibited the establishment of naval bases and fortifications, but allowed Greece to maintain a limited military contingent recruited from the local population, as well as police forces. With respect to these islands, Greece has not claimed that the treaty obligations have been formally superseded. However, in recent years it has argued that it is entitled to discount them, invoking Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. It argues that after the Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus and the Turkish threat of war over the 12 miles issue, re-armament is an act of legitimate self-defence.[5]

"Grey zones"[edit source | edit]

Imia/Kardak[edit source | edit]

Imia/Kardak

The first time a dispute between the two countries in the Aegean touched on questions of actual sovereignty over territories was in early 1996 at the tiny barren islets of Imia/Kardak, situated between the Dodecanese island chain and the Turkish mainland.[282] The conflict, triggered by the stranding of a Turkish merchant ship on the islets, was originally caused by factual inconsistencies between maps of the area, some of which assigned these islets to Greece, others to Turkey. The media of the two countries took up the issue and gave it a nationalistic turn, before the two governments even had the time to come to a full technical understanding of the true legal and geographical situation. Both governments finally adopted an intransigent stance, publicly asserting their own claims of sovereignty over the islets. The result was military escalation, which was perceived abroad as quite out of proportion with the size and significance of the rocks in question. The two countries were at the brink of war for a few days, until the crisis was defused with the help of foreign mediation.[283]

During the crisis and in the months following it, both governments elaborated legal arguments to support their claims to sovereignty. The arguments exchanged concerned the interpretation of the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923, which forms the principal basis for the legal status of territories in most of the region, as well as certain later diplomatic dealings between Turkey, Greece and Italy.

Other "grey zones"[edit source | edit]

In the wake of the Imia crisis, the Turkish government widened its argumentation to include not only Imia but also a possibly large number of other islands and small formations across the Aegean. Since then, Turkish authorities have spoken of "grey zones" of undetermined sovereignty. According to the Turkish argument, these islets, while not explicitly retained under Turkish sovereignty in 1923, were also not explicitly ceded to any other country, and their sovereignty has therefore remained objectively undecided.

The Turkish government has avoided stating exactly which islets it wishes to include in this category. On various occasions, Turkish government sources have indicated that islands such as Pserimos, Agathonisi, Fournoi and Gavdos[284] (situated south of Crete) might be included. Most of them, unlike Imia/Kardak, had undeniably been in factual Greek possession, which had never previously been challenged by Turkey, and all but the final two listed below have Greek residents and infrastructure. Furthermore, the islands are covered by previous treaties such as the Treaty of Lausanne, which defines Turkish sovereignty as limited to within 3 miles of the Anatolian mainland in the majority of cases.[284] In a 2004 publication by Turkish authors close to the Turkish military leadership[285] the following (among other, even smaller ones) were listed as potentially "grey" areas:

Military overflights[edit source | edit]

While Turkey has not attempted to challenge Greek sovereignty on the ground, its claims about "grey area" islands add to the number of minor military incidents, already numerous due to the 10-mile airspace and the FIR issues. Greek authorities routinely report that the Turkish Air Force ignores their national airspace. According to Greek press reports, the number of airspace violations rose sharply in 2006, as did the number of unauthorized Turkish military flights directly over Greek islands themselves.[286] Renewed reports of systematic Turkish military flights directly over Greek islands like Pharmakonisi and Agathonisi were made in late 2008 and early 2009.[287]

During the late 2010s, tensions rose again as Turkish fighter aircraft increased the number of direct armed overflights above inhabited Greek islands. While most overflights continue to occur above small islands that Turkey considers "grey areas", such as Agathonisi or Oinousses, some incidents have also repeatedly been reported involving major and undisputed islands such as Rhodes, Lesbos, Chios or Leros.[288][289][290][291] These overflights are perceived in Greece as among the most provocative acts by Turkey, directly challenging Greek territorial sovereignty.[292]

In 2020, Turkish fighter aircraft also begun overflights above the Greek mainland, on Evros.[293][294]

A regional Foreign Minister conference held on 11 May 2020 with the participation of Cyprus, Egypt, France, Greece and the United Arab Emirates, concluded with a joint declaration condemning Turkey for its practice of conducting armed overflights above the inhabited Greek islands.[295][296]

Turkish incidents with Frontex[edit source | edit]

In September 2009, a Turkish military radar issued a warning to a Latvian helicopter patrolling in the eastern Aegean—part of the EU's Frontex programme to combat illegal immigration—to leave the area. The Turkish General Staff reported that the Latvian Frontex aircraft had violated Turkish airspace west of Didim.[297] According to a Hellenic Air Force announcement, the incident occurred as the Frontex helicopter—identified as an Italian-made Agusta A109—was patrolling in Greek air space near the small isle of Farmakonisi, which lies on a favorite route used by migrant smugglers ferrying mostly illegal migrants into Greece and the EU from the opposite Turkish coastline.[298] Frontex officials stated that they simply ignored the Turkish warnings as they did not recognise their being in Turkish airspace and continued their duties.

Another incident took place in October 2009 in the aerial area above the eastern Aegean sea, off the island of Lesbos.[299] On 20 November 2009, the Turkish General Staff issued a press note alleging that an Estonian Border Guard aircraft Let L-410 UVP taking off from Kos on a Frontex mission had violated Turkish airspace west of Söke.[297]

Strategies of conflict resolution[edit source | edit]

The decades since the 1970s have seen a repeated heightening and abating of political and military tensions over the Aegean. Thus, the crisis of 1987 was followed by a series of negotiations and agreements in Davos and Brussels in 1988. Again, after the Imia/Kardak crisis of 1996, there came an agreement over peaceful neighbourly relations reached at a meeting in Madrid in 1997. The period since about 1999 has been marked by a steady improvement of bilateral relations.

For years, the Aegean dispute has been a matter not only about conflicting claims of substance. Rather, proposed strategies of how to resolve the substantial differences have themselves constituted a matter of heated dispute. Whereas Turkey has traditionally preferred to regard the whole set of topics as a political issue, requiring bilateral political negotiation,[1] Greece views them as separate and purely legal issues,[300] requiring only the application of existing principles of international law. Turkey has advocated direct negotiation, with a view to establishing what it would regard as an equitable compromise. Greece refuses to accept any process that would put it under pressure to engage in a give-and-take over what it perceives as inalienable and unnegotiable sovereign rights. Up to the late 1990s, the only avenue of conflict resolution that Greece deemed acceptable was to submit the issues separately to the International Court of Justice in The Hague.

The resulting stalemate between both sides over process was partially changed after 1999, when the European summit of Helsinki opened up a path towards Turkey's accession to the EU. In the summit agreement, Turkey accepted an obligation to solve its bilateral disputes with Greece before actual accession talks would start. This was perceived as giving Greece a new tactical advantage over Turkey in determining which paths of conflict resolution to choose. During the following years, both countries held regular bilateral talks on the level of technical specialists, trying to determine possible future procedures. According to press reports,[301] both sides seemed close to an agreement about how to submit the dispute to the court at The Hague, a step which would have fulfilled many of the old demands of Greece. However, a newly elected Greek government under Kostas Karamanlis, soon after it took office in March 2004, opted out of this plan, because Ankara was insisting that all the issues, including Imia/Kardak and the "grey zones", belonged to a single negotiating item. Athens saw them as separate. However,[301] Greek policy remained at the forefront in advocating closer links between Ankara and the EU. This resulted in the European Union finally opening accession talks with Turkey without its previous demands having been fulfilled.

According to some commentators, the 2020 fall of energy prices, combined with the discovery of gas within the Turkish EEZ in the Black Sea means there is enough energy in Turkey that further exploration for gas is unnecessary.[302]

See also[edit source | edit]

References[edit source | edit]

  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 Kemal Başlar (2001): Two facets of the Aegean Sea dispute: 'de lege lata' and 'de lege ferenda'. In: K. Başlar (ed.), Turkey and international law. Ankara. [1] Archived 22 August 2006 at the Wayback Machine
  2. 2.0 2.1 Wolff Heintschel von Heinegg (1989): Der Ägäis-Konflikt: Die Abgrenzung des Festlandsockels zwischen Griechenland und der Türkei und das Problem der Inseln im Seevölkerrecht. Berlin: Duncker und Humblot. (in German)
  3. Haanappel, Peter P. C. (2003). The Law and Policy of Air Space and Outer Space. Kluwer. p. 22.
  4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 Embassy of Turkey in Washington: Aegean Disputes Archived 15 April 2006 at the Wayback Machine
  5. 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Unilateral Turkish claims in the Aegean Archived 5 March 2007 at the Wayback Machine.
  6. The incident was first described as an accident. In 2004, a Greek newspaper published claims that the Turkish plane had unintentionally been shot down by the Greek one. The shootdown was confirmed by the Turkish government but denied by the Greek side [2].
  7. "Turkey's position is strongest with regard to the islands in the eastern Aegean, particularly those near its coast": Dyke, J.M. van, An analysis of the Aegean disputes under international law (2005), Ocean Development and International Law, 36:63-117, p. 85.
  8. https://www.icj-cij.org/en/case/124
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  45. "Egypt condemns MoUs signed between Turkey, Libyan PM". ahram online. 29 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
  46. "The provocative Turkey-Libya agreement opens the way for EEZ (original: Η προκλητική συμφωνία Τουρκίας – Λιβύης ανοίγει το δρόμο για ΑΟΖ)". in.gr. 29 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019. Another attempt in the realization of the «Blue Homeland» whereby Turkey seeks to seize parts of the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean by asserting the position that no islands are entitled to maritime zones beyond territorial waters. (original: Μία ακόμα κίνηση στον σχεδιασμό της «Γαλάζιας Πατρίδας», βάσει του οποίου η Τουρκία επιχειρεί να οικειοποιηθεί μέρος του Αιγαίου και της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου υποστηρίζοντας τη θέση ότι τα νησιά δεν δικαιούνται θαλάσσιες ζώνες πέραν των χωρικών υδάτων)
  47. "Libya divided over EEZ deal with Ankara: Government confirms it - Opposition says "illegal" (original: Διχασμένη η Λιβύη για την συμφωνία της ΑΟΖ με την Άγκυρα: Η κυβέρνηση την επιβεβαιώνει - "Παράνομη" λέει η αντιπολίτευση)". Real.gr. 28 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
  48. "Cyprus, Greece and Egypt condemn Turkey-Libya deal (updated)". Cyprus Mail. 29 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
  49. "Cyprus decries Turkey-Libya maritime border deal". Kathimerini. 29 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
  50. "Greece, Cyprus and Egypt outraged by Libyan-Turkish maritime border agreement amid oil-drilling row". Al Araby. 29 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
  51. "Turkey and Libya sign maritime deal to counter Greek drilling". Middle East Eye. 28 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
  52. "Antonio Lopez: Turkey's Actions in Eastern Mediterranean Unlawful, as well as MoU with Libya". The National Herald. 30 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
  53. "Greek ultimatum to Libya over deal with Turkey - Mitsotakis: Those who dispute sovereign rights will find Europe standing against them (Τελεσίγραφο της Ελλάδας στη Λιβύη για τη συμφωνία με Τουρκία - Μητσοτάκης: Όποιοι αμφισβητούν κυριαρχικά δικαιώματα θα βρουν απέναντί τους την Ευρώπη)". NewsPost. 29 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
  54. "Through Libya, Erdogan builds the "Blue Homeland" (original: Μέσω Λιβύης χτίζει τη "Γαλάζια Πατρίδα" ο Ερντογάν)". SLPress. 29 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
  55. "Istúriz - Tajani condemn Turkey's illegal actions and back Greece (original: Ιστουρίζ - Ταγιάνι καταδικάζουν τις παράνομες ενέργειες της Τουρκίας και στηρίζουν Ελλάδα)". SLPress. 30 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
  56. ""Turkey should respect the international law": EU Commission against Ankara on the agreement with Libya (original: "Η Τουρκία να σέβεται το διεθνές δίκαιο": Κομισιόν κατά Άγκυρας για τη συμφωνία με τη Λιβύη)". Eleutheros Typos. 2 December 2019. Retrieved 2 December 2019.
  57. 57.0 57.1 "EU asks to see Turkey-Libya maritime border deal". Kathimerini. 4 December 2019. Retrieved 4 December 2019. The European Union on Wednesday called for the publication of a memorandum of understanding signed between Turkey and Libya which ostensibly delineates maritime borders between the two countries, and expressed its full support for the sovereign rights of Greece and Cyprus.
  58. "Erdogan under "fire" by the Arab League: "Libya-Turkey deal is provocative, we will remove Fayez al-Sarraj" (original: "Πυρά" Αραβικού Συνδέσμου κατά Ερντογάν: "Προκλητική η συμφωνία Άγκυρας-Τρίπολης, θα διώξουμε τον Fayez al-Sarraj")". Pentapostagma. 2 December 2019. Retrieved 2 December 2019.
  59. "Libya's Haftar hopes to have normal relations with Israel". Middle East Monitor. 2 December 2019. Retrieved 2 December 2019. The official condemned Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's actions in the Middle East. This was a reference to the deal struck between Turkey and the UN-backed Libyan government last Wednesday relating to trade and arms sales. Al-Howeej claimed that the deal was signed with those who have "no right to give to those against whom we are battling."
  60. "Harsh message by Macron to Erdogan: Respect Greece's sovereign rights (original: Αυστηρό μήνυμα Μακρόν σε Ερντογάν: Να σεβαστείς τα κυριαρχικά δικαιώματα της Ελλάδας)". CNN. 4 December 2019. Retrieved 4 December 2019. «Turkey must respect the sovereign rights of NATO members. I support Greece's concerns over the Libya-Turkey Agreement» Macron said, commenting on the Turkish provocations and the agreement between Turkey and Libya on defining maritime borders and EEZ.)
  61. "FM of Israel: We are on Greece's side (Original: ΥΠΕΞ Ισραήλ: Είμαστε στο πλευρό της Ελλάδας)". News 247. 4 December 2019. Retrieved 4 December 2019.
  62. "Turkey-Libya agreement 'arbitrary and illegal'". GUE/NGL. 4 December 2019. Retrieved 4 December 2019.
  63. "Moscow calls on Turkey, Libya to avoid stoking tensions in region". Kathimerini. 3 December 2019. Retrieved 4 December 2019.
  64. "Pavlopoulos: who does Farraj represents? Voucic: we recognize Greece's integrity (original: Παυλόπουλος: Ποιον εκπροσωπεί ο Σαράζ; Βούτσιτς: Αναγνωρίζουμε ακεραιότητα της Ελλάδας)". Kathimerini. 9 December 2019. Retrieved 10 December 2019. the Serbian president has made clear that his country will always recognize the territory and the integrity of Greece as well as of Cyprus.
  65. "A strong message in favor of Greece and Cyprus by Conte (original: Ηχηρό μήνυμα υπέρ Ελλάδας και Κύπρου από τον Κόντε)". EfSyn. 11 December 2019. Retrieved 11 December 2019.
  66. "Message by Berlin to Ankara for the respect of sovereign rights (original: Μήνυμα Βερολίνου στην Αγκυρα για σεβασμό των κυριαρχικών δικαιωμάτων)". Kathimerini. 11 December 2019. Retrieved 11 December 2019. The European Union's position of solidarity with Greece and Cyprus is "expressly endorsed" by Berlin, German Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Adebahr recently said, urging Turkey and Libya "to respect the sovereignty and sovereignty of all member states of the EU and to follow the delimitation of maritime areas in accordance with applicable international law."
  67. "United Arab Emirates joins Greece in Mediterranean gas drilling dispute with Turkey". The Times. 23 August 2020. Retrieved 18 October 2020.
  68. "Malta condemns Erdogan's pseudo-agreement with Sarraj regime and the Turkish involvement in Libya (original:Η Μάλτα καταδίκασε τα ψευδομνημόνια του Ερντογάν με το καθεστώς Σαράτζ και την τουρκική ανάμιξη στη Λιβύη)". Tribune. 18 May 2020. Retrieved 18 May 2020.
  69. 69.0 69.1 69.2 69.3 69.4 "Germany decries Turkey's actions in eastern Mediterranean". The Associated Press. 13 October 2020. Retrieved 18 October 2020.
  70. "Syria condemned the Ankara-Tripoly pseudo-memorandum with a letter to the United Nations. (Original: Η Συρία καταδίκασε το ψευδομνημόνιο Άγκυρας-Τρίπολης με επιστολή στον ΟΗΕ)". Liberal.gr. 21 May 2020. Retrieved 21 May 2020.
  71. "Letter dated 29 April 2020 from the Permanent Representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General". United Nations. 29 April 2020. Retrieved 21 May 2020.
  72. 72.0 72.1 "5 countries demand that the UN reject the Turko-Libyan agreement (original: Να μην αποδεχθεί ο ΟΗΕ την τουρκολιβυκή συμφωνία ζητούν 5 χώρες)". To Pontiki. 14 July 2020. Retrieved 14 July 2020.
  73. "Press conference: Egyptian, Greek FMs sign deal to establish exclusive economic zone". Egypt Today. 6 August 2020. Retrieved 7 August 2020. According to a statement by the Egyptian Foreign Ministry, the foreign ministers of Egypt, Greece and Cyprus agreed that these MoUs “has no legal effect”, as the signing exceeds the powers of Sarraj in accordance with the Skhirat Agreement, which was announced in December 2015. In another statement by Egypt’s Ministry of Foreign affairs it was stated that Skhirat Agreement, agreed upon by Libyans in December 2015, set the powers of the Government of National Accord. The eighth article of the agreement prohibited the Libyan prime minister from solely clinching international deals without consent of all the cabinet members. As the current Government of National Accord lacks full representation of all the Libyan regions, the current government is a caretaker cabinet with limited powers, the Foreign Ministry said in its statement. Such deals are not binding or affecting the interests and the rights of any third parties, it added.
  74. "Libya's GNA Holds Onto Arab League Membership". Al-Awsat. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
  75. "Pyatt: Turkey-Libya deal undermining regional stability". Kathimerini. 3 December 2019. Retrieved 3 December 2019.
  76. "State Department: Turkey-Libya deal on maritime borders 'provocative'". Kathimerini. 3 December 2019. Retrieved 3 December 2019.
  77. "Israel opposes Turkey-Libya maritime border accord". Reuters. 23 December 2019.
  78. "Bundestag service views Turkey-Libya maritime deal illegal, detrimental to third parties". Naftemporiki. 18 October 2020. Retrieved 18 October 2020.
  79. "Athens issues ultimatum to Libyan envoy to present maritime deal with Turkey". Kathimerini. 29 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
  80. "Mitsotakis-Erdogan meeting on Wed. in London". Naftemporiki. 3 December 2019. Retrieved 7 December 2019.
  81. "Libyan Ambassador is expelled (original: Απελάθηκε ο πρέσβης της Λιβύης)". Kathimerini. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019. Mr Dendias added that the text of the agreement bears the signature of the Libyan Foreign Minister, who in September provided assurances to the Greek side in the opposite direction. Expulsion is not a break in diplomatic relations, the Foreign Minister stressed.
  82. "Greece expels Libyan ambassador over Turkey deal". Middle East Online. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 7 December 2019.
  83. "Greece expels Libyan ambassador in row over maritime boundaries". The Guardian. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
  84. "Anger in Turkey and Libya after ambassador's expulsion - Mitsotakis: we will do whatever it needs for the agreement to not come into effect (original: Οργή σε Τουρκία και Λιβύη μετά την απέλαση του πρέσβη - Μητσοτάκης: Θα κάνουμε ό,τι περνάει από το χέρι μας να μην ισχύσει η συμφωνία)". Enikos. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
  85. "President of Libyan Parliament in Athens next week. (Original: Στην Αθήνα την ερχόμενη Πέμπτη ο πρόεδρος της λιβυκής Βουλής)". Enikos. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
  86. "Turkey-Libya agreement bears consequences for Greece - analyst". Ahval. 30 November 2019. Retrieved 30 November 2019. The deal, referred to as a memorandum of understanding, comes as no surprise, Syrigos said, as Ankara asked for an agreement on the maritime borders between Libya and Turkey in exchange for its long-time support of the Islamist-rooted GNA.
  87. "Greece fears Turkish encroachment over oil exploration deal with Libya". The Times. 2 December 2019. Retrieved 2 December 2019. The deal, which threatens to vastly extend Turkey's claimed rights over the Mediterranean, follows an agreement last week for Ankara to supply weaponry to the UN-recognized Libyan government in Tripoli, which is involved in a military struggle with forces loyal to Khalifa Haftar for control of the country.
  88. "Libyan National Army says Erdogan exploiting 'clinical death' of al-Sarraj govt". Al Arabiya. 2 December 2019. Retrieved 2 December 2019. The Libyan National Army (LNA) said on Monday that Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is trying to exploit the "clinical death" of the Government of National Accord (GNA) headed by Fayez al-Sarraj to sign "illegal" agreements which are a serious breach of international laws that disregards the lawful rights of other eastern Mediterranean countries. [...] Aguila Saleh, President of the Libyan House of Representatives, sent a letter to the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres regarding the agreement signed between Turkey and al-Sarraj. Saleh said that the signed agreement represents a threat to the Libyan state and its future and security.
  89. "Turkey is trying to take over the Mediterranean, through Libya". Jerusalem Post. 2 December 2019. Retrieved 2 December 2019. One of the governments in Libya controls only a small percentage of the country and the capital of Tripoli, but in need of Turkish support it signed a bizarre deal with Ankara over who controls the Mediterranean. [...] The real story is buried in the report. Turkey is trying to assert itself across the swath of Iraq, Syria and now all the way to Libya, with its eyes set on having power not seen since the Ottoman Empire more than 100 years ago. The reports claim that Turkey now sees its control of the Mediterranean from the "three-dimensional viewpoint" and this "maximizes the country's maritime boundaries and shows that Turkey's border districts of Marmaris, Fethiye and Kas are actually neighbors with Libya's Derna, Tobruk and Bardiya districts."
  90. "Greece expels Libyan ambassador in row over maritime boundaries". The Guardian. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
  91. "Erdogan takes half the Mediterranean Sea. And Italy is watching (original: Erdogan si prende mezzo Mediterraneo. E l'Italia sta a guardare)". Repubblica. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019. There are those who want to rewrite history and those who now want to rewrite even geography. An agreement between Tripoli and Ankara in fact has redefined the maritime borders between the two countries, ignoring the Atlas and erasing all that is in the sea between Libya and Turkey: Cyprus and Crete have been considered as insignificant rocks. The dream of Erdogan, who imitated the Ottoman rulers and redesigned the maps, giving himself control of the eastern Mediterranean.
  92. "Turkey and Libya want to divide the Mediterranean among themselves (original: Die Türkei und Libyen wollen das Mittelmeer unter sich aufteilen)". Der Tagesspiegel. 5 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019. Not only because of the impact on the gas dispute in the Mediterranean, the Turkish-Libyan agreement provokes new tensions with the EU. The agreed arms deliveries to the Sarraj government could also fuel the conflict in Libya, where Germany is currently trying to end the fighting. The Federal Government is planning a peace conference on Libya in Berlin in early January; Germany wants to curb the influx of refugees from Libya to Europe. [...] Erdogan's Libya Treaty could make the German efforts fail. Turkey is the most important arms supplier for the Sarraj government, providing drones and armored vehicles, among other things.
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  94. "Turkey blackmailed Libya into energy deals, called on debt, analyst says". Ahval News. 31 July 2020. Retrieved 14 August 2020.
  95. "Turkey to start drilling in expanded Mediterranean jurisdiction - minister". Ahval. 4 December 2019. Retrieved 4 December 2019.
  96. "Erdogan: The MoU with Libya is our sovereign right (original: Ερντογάν: Κυριαρχικό μας δικαίωμα το μνημόνιο με τη Λιβύη)". CNN. 4 December 2019. Retrieved 4 December 2019.
  97. "Erdogan shows his intentions in the eastern Mediterranean using maps (original: Ο Ερντογάν έδειξε με χάρτες τις προθέσεις του στην ανατ. Μεσόγειο)". SigmaLive. 10 December 2019. Retrieved 10 December 2019.
  98. "Greece expels Libyan envoy following Turkish vote on East Mediterranean deal". Middle East Eye. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
  99. "Turkish lawmakers ratify contentious maritime borders deal with Libya". Kathimerini. 5 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
  100. "The Libyan Parliament rejects deal made with Erdogan (original: Η Βουλή της Λιβύης απορρίπτει το deal με Ερντογάν)". TheTOC. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019. The Libyan Parliament rejects the agreement on the Maritime Borders between Turkey and Libya, which Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan has portrayed as a great success. Hours after the Turkish National Assembly voted for the deal, and while the deal remains pending, the Libyan House of Representatives sent a letter to the UN declaring the text null and void.
  101. "Invalid, says the president of the Libyan Parliament, about the agreement with Turkey (original: Ακυρη η συμφωνία με Τουρκία λέει ο πρόεδρος του Κοινοβουλίου της Λιβύης)". Protagon. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
  102. "Expulsion of the Ambassador of Libya from Greece (original: Απέλαση του πρέσβη της Λιβύης από την Ελλάδα)". Huffington Post. 6 December 2019. Retrieved 6 December 2019.
  103. "Turkey-Libya Agreement: "Blockade" through Haftar and Libyan Parliament (original: Συμφωνία Τουρκίας- Λιβύης: "Μπλόκο" μέσω Χαφτάρ και λιβυκής Βουλής)". News 247. 7 December 2019. Retrieved 7 December 2019.
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  115. "France directs EU foreign policy against Turkey, and the bloc is too weak to stop it". Middle East Monitor. 8 July 2020. Retrieved 8 July 2020.
  116. "Macron for Turkey: Europe's source of instability (original: Μακρόν για Τουρκία: Παράγοντας αποσταθεροποίησης της Ευρώπης)". Kathimerini. 20 August 2020. Retrieved 3 September 2020.
  117. "The Libyan admiral who graduated in Greece: I have a mandate to sink Turkish ships (original: Ο ναύαρχος της Λιβύης που σπούδασε στην Ελλάδα: Εχω εντολή να βυθίσω τα τουρκικά πλοία)". Ta Nea. 9 December 2019. Retrieved 10 December 2019.
  118. "French and Italian support in "blocking" Turkey (original: Γαλλική και ιταλική στήριξη με "μπλόκο" στην Τουρκία)". In.gr. 11 December 2019. Retrieved 11 December 2019. The French assistance to Greece aimed at ending the Turkish challenges has also been a major topic of discussion at the highest [diplomatic] level between Athens-Paris. [...] According to the Italian "La Repubblica", Italy also sends the frigate "Martinengo" to the port of Larnaca, as part of an Eastern Mediterranean patrol, with the aim of «presenting and monitoring maritime areas, with due regard for international law and for protection of national interests.»
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  120. "EU gives Turkey one month as pressure for sanctions mounts". EurActiv. 14 July 2020. Retrieved 15 July 2020.
  121. "Dendias: "The list of EU sanctions against Turkey is long" (Original: Δένδιας: "Μακρύς ο κατάλογος κυρώσεων της ΕΕ κατά της Τουρκίας")". ProtoThema. 14 July 2020. Retrieved 15 July 2020.
  122. "SKAI revelation: The Turks seek to conduct explorations at 6 miles (Original: Αποκάλυψη ΣΚΑΪ: Οι Τούρκοι θέλουν να κάνουν έρευνες στα 6 μίλια". Skai Channel. 31 May 2020. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
  123. "Provocative map by Turkey: These are the sea plots Turkey claims near Rhodes, Karpathos and Crete (Original: Προκλητικός χάρτης της Τουρκίας: Αυτά είναι τα οικόπεδα που διεκδικεί κοντά σε Ρόδο, Κάρπαθο και Κρήτη)". TheToc. 2 June 2020. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
  124. "Athens reacts to Turkey claiming 24 blocks outlined in map". Kathimerini. 2 June 2020. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
  125. "Note of Protest to Ankara: The Turkish Ambassador summoned to the Foreign Ministry (Original: Διάβημα στην Άγκυρα: Κλήθηκε ο Τούρκος πρέσβης στο υπουργείο Εξωτερικών)". Ethnos. 1 June 2020. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
  126. "EU top diplomat urges Turkey to respect Greece, Cyprus sovereignty". Kathimerini. 2 June 2020. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
  127. "Libyan MoU cannot affect Greek rights, says US energy official)". Kathimerini. 2 June 2020. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
  128. "USA's Assistant Secretary intervenes amid the Turkish provocations (Original: Παρέμβαση ΥφΥΠΕΞ ΗΠΑ για την τουρκική προκλητικότητα)". Capital. 2 June 2020. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
  129. "Washington sends new message to Turkey: "The Islands have EEZ and continental shelf" (Original: Νέο μήνυμα της Ουάσινγκτον στην Τουρκία: "Τα νησιά έχουν ΑΟΖ και υφαλοκρηπίδα" )". ProtoThema. 2 June 2020. Retrieved 2 June 2020.
  130. "Agreement for demarcation of EEZ between Greece and Italy - Signatures are falling (Original: Συμφωνία για οριοθέτηση ΑΟΖ ανάμεσα σε Ελλάδα και Ιταλία - Πέφτουν υπογραφές)". News 247. 9 June 2020. Retrieved 9 June 2020.
  131. "Foreign Ministry: The contents of the historic Greece - Italy agreement for the EEZ (Original: ΥΠΕΞ: Το περιεχόμενο της ιστορικής συμφωνίας Ελλάδας - Ιταλίας για την ΑΟΖ)". Skai.gr. 9 June 2020. Retrieved 9 June 2020.
  132. "Exclusive analysis by Angelos Syrigos to TheToc: What does the Greek-Italian agreement on the EEZ mean? (Original: Ανάλυση Άγγελου Συρίγου αποκλειστικά στο TheToc: Τι σημαίνει η συμφωνία Ελλάδας - Ιταλίας για την ΑΟΖ". TheToc. 10 June 2020. Retrieved 10 June 2020.
  133. "Greece-Italy EEZ: Myths and reality - The map says the truth (Original: ΑΟΖ Ελλάδας-Ιταλίας: Μύθοι και πραγματικότητα – Ο χάρτης λέει την αλήθεια)". Angelos Syrigos. SLPress. 13 June 2020. Retrieved 13 June 2020. More specifically, we have a reduced impact: First, in the area of Strofades (point 16) where the limit has been shifted to the detriment of Greece by 2,75 nautical miles (3,7 km). Secondly, in the area of Othonoi (point 1) where the limit is 1,4 n. miles (2,600 meters) closer to Othonoi. However, [...] at points 7 and 8 the limit has been shifted to the detriment of Italy in Calabria from 0,5 n.m. (900 m) to 2,8 nm (5,200 m) and in favor of Kephalonia. In other words, an island (Kephalonia) appears to have more sea area compared to a mainland coast! In essence, the losses on both sides of Greece and Italy are almost equal on the entire frontier line.
  134. 134.0 134.1 "Dendias: We tell the Turks to be extremely careful (Original: Δένδιας: Λέμε στους Τούρκους να είναι εξαιρετικά προσεκτικοί)". Huffington Post. 19 June 2020. Retrieved 19 June 2020. Regarding the limited influence of the two small islands, he [...] stressed that it is a balanced agreement. "This 0.0019% that Greece gives away from the two extreme parts of the small islands, gets it in the center of this area, so overall it gets exactly the same area back," he said, noting that it creates an extremely favorable legal precedent for Greece.
  135. "G. Pyatt: The Greece-Italy agreement is exemplary. (Original: Τζ. Πάιατ: Υποδειγματική η συμφωνία Ελλάδας - Ιταλίας)". Kathimerini. 10 June 2020. Retrieved 10 June 2020.
  136. "Libyan Parliament and Haftar call for an agreement on EEZ with Greece, like the Greek-Italian one. (Original: Συμφωνία για ΑΟΖ με Ελλάδα, όπως η ελληνοϊταλική, ζητούν λιβυκή Βουλή - Χαφτάρ)". Capital. 10 June 2020. Retrieved 10 June 2020.
  137. 137.0 137.1 "Dendias at Libya: EEZ demarcation at the epicenter of the talks (Original: Δένδιας στην Λιβύη: Στο επίκεντρο των συζητήσεων ο καθορισμός ΑΟΖ Ελλάδας - Λιβύης)". Skai. 1 July 2020. Retrieved 1 July 2020.
  138. "President of the Libyan Parliament: Committee for the maritime zones with Greece is being created [Original: Πρόεδρος λιβυκής Βουλής: Συγκροτείται επιτροπή για τις θαλάσσιες ζώνες με την Ελλάδα]". ToVima. 3 July 2020. Retrieved 15 July 2020.
  139. ""This is the Greece-Libyan EEZ" says the Libyan National Army (LNA) [Original: "Αυτή είναι η ΑΟΖ Ελλάδας-Λιβύης" λέει ο Λιβυκός Εθνικός Στρατός (LNA)]". Tribune. 2 July 2020. Retrieved 2 July 2020.
  140. "Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias to visit Egypt on June 18". Egypt Today. 10 June 2020. Retrieved 11 June 2020.
  141. Λίβας, Σωτήριος. Οι σχέσεις της Τουρκίας με τις χώρες της Μέσης Ανατολής από την ίδρυση της τουρκικής δημοκρατίας μέχρι σήμερα (Thesis). National Documentation Centre (EKT). doi:10.12681/eadd/19138.
  142. "Turkey's NAVTEX and the positions of the naval forces (MAP) (original: Η NAVTEX της Τουρκίας και οι θέσεις των ναυτικών δυνάμεων [ΧΑΡΤΗΣ])". Sigma Live. 22 July 2020. Retrieved 6 August 2020.
  143. "Greece says Turkish plans to map sea encroach on its territory". Reuters. 21 July 2020. Retrieved 6 August 2020.
  144. "Egypt says Turkish seismic survey plans could encroach on its waters". Reuters. 1 August 2020. Retrieved 6 August 2020.
  145. "Greek PM warns Turkey over Eastern Mediterranean survey". Politico.eu. 21 July 2020. Retrieved 23 July 2020.
  146. "Navtex covers areas within Turkey's continental shelf, says Ankara". Kathimerini. 22 July 2020. Retrieved 23 July 2020.
  147. "Maas: Turkey will be isolated if it does not put an end to its provocations against Greece (Original: Μάας: Η Τουρκία θα απομονωθεί αν δεν σταματήσει τις προκλήσεις προς την Ελλάδα)". CNN. 21 July 2020. Retrieved 23 July 2020.
  148. "German media: Turkey's actions in Mediterranean are illegal (Original: Γερμανικά ΜΜΕ: Παράνομες ενέργειες της Τουρκίας στη Μεσόγειο)". ProtoThema. 22 July 2020. Retrieved 23 July 2020.
  149. "Kastelorizo: tourists evacuate the island after the tensions in the Aegean (Original: Καστελόριζο: Αδειάζει από τουρίστες το νησί μετά την ένταση στο Αιγαίο)". CNN. 22 July 2020. Retrieved 23 July 2020.
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